Further, modern
history is replete with instances in which the Hegelian dialectic
has been applied to the political and economic orders to manipulate
or soften-up governments to change in ways contrary to the public
good. This method usually involves the artificial (i.e.
coldly calculated) initiation of conflict of some kind after careful
conditioning of the elements of the society who could either obstruct
or implement the planned change; followed by a crisis (e.g.
an economic or political anomaly such as the stock market crash
of 1929 or the oil crises of 1974 and 1979); which is then
"interpreted" by controlled mass media to direct the responses to
the crisis into pre-planned avenues and away from correct
responses such as careful analysis of the causes and criminal
indictment of the perpetrators (Manipulation on the personal/psychological
order follows a similar pattern of stress, emotion, counseling).
Orwell noted this in 1984:
In governing the populace, unrest cannot be averted. Therefore,
it must be channeled and cultivated.
The following quotation of David Rockefeller, then Chairman of Chase
Manhattan bank, speaking at the June, 1991 Bilderberger meeting
in Baden Baden, Germany (a meeting attended by then-Governor Bill
Clinton) is illustrative of the media control mentioned above:
We are grateful to the Washington Post, the New York Times,
Time Magazine and other great publications whose directors
have attended our meetings and respected their promises of discretion
for almost forty years. He went on to explain: It would
have been impossible for us to develop our plan for the world if
we had been subjected to the lights of publicity during those years.
But, the world is more sophisticated and prepared to march
towards a world government. The supernational sovereignty of an
intellectual elite and world bankers is surely preferable to the
national autodetermination practiced in past centuries.
Similarly,
Zbigniew Brzezinski wrote in 1972 that the
"nation
state as a fundamental unit of man's organized life has ceased to
be the principal creative force: International banks and multinational
corporations are acting and planning in terms that are far in advance
of the political concepts of the nation-state."
[Brzezinski,
Between Two Ages: The Technetronic Era (Penguin Books , 1971)
Two more interesting pre-9/11 Statements:
"We are
on the verge of a global transformation. All we need is the right
major crisis and the nation will accept the New World Order."
-- David Rockefeller, Chairman of Chase Manhattan Bank (now J.P.
Morgan Chase bank)
"The process
of transformation.. is likely to be a long one, absent some catastrophic
and catalyzing event - like a new Pearl Harbor." -- PNAC (Neo-con
Project for a New American Century document)
In light of
such scheming, it surely makes sense to attempt to anticipate the
dangers involved and to prepare means of escaping them.
If man lets himself rush ahead without foreseeing in good time
the emergence of new social problems, they will become too
grave for a peaceful solution to be hoped for. -Pope Paul VI
Also,
such a discussion can encourage the development of authentic reform
movements based on the conclusions reached, which would otherwise
have no focus or rallying point. Finally, though the mass
media would blind us to the sufferings of the 3rd,
and now 4th, world by ignoring it and redirecting our
interests to sports and fantasy and our compassion to seals
and snail darters, nevertheless we will always have the poor
with us on this planet, those who suffer the ravages of extreme
poverty while we dwell in relative plenty. The number of unemployed
people has grown rapidly around the world and was estimated by the
International Labor Organization to be over one billion by
1994. In fact, the present debt-based monetary system inevitably
results in vast accumulations of wealth in fewer and fewer
hands, which necessitates extreme poverty for vast numbers
of mankind. In 1997, 441 billionaires owned as much of the world's
wealth as the poorer one-half (50%) of mankind (2.4 billion people).
Consistent with one's state-of-life, we must come to the aid of
the increasing multitudes of our impoverished fellow men.
Let us
all set to work, for at this time a grave duty is imposed upon
the consciences of all; a duty for all, employers and employees,
citizens and farmers, moralists, pastors and their flocks, to
help resolutely in the solution of the economic problem that distresses
us. Universal suffering puts it in the front rank and bestows
upon it a character of sacredness.
These words
of French Cardinal Verdier during the Great Monetary Contraction
(a.k.a. the Great Depression) are fully apropos to
the situation in over four-fifths of the world today, where extreme
poverty is ubiquitous and deepening very rapidly. There children
are born into a Great Depression which only worsens as they grow
up in it.
[Consider]
the reality of an innumerable multitude of people - children,
adults and the elderly, in other words real and unique persons,
who are suffering under the intolerable burden of poverty. There
are many millions who are deprived of hope due to the fact that,
in many parts of the world, their situation has worsened. Before
these tragedies of total indigence and need, in which so many
of our brothers and sisters are living, it is the Lord Jesus himself
who comes to question us... (Cf. Mt.25:31-46) - Pope John
Paul II
Even in the
U.S. and Canada the middle class is rapidly being squeezed down
into poverty as the poor increase in numbers daily, despite the
employment of both spouses now, often holding second and even third
jobs, being forced to warehouse their children in institutions.
The philosophers'
ideal of secure, modest wealth widely diffused to all classes is
being supplanted by the two extremes, both harmful to mans' spiritual
development, of extreme wealth or extreme poverty. As Mahatma
Gandhi noted: Materialism and morality have an inverse relationship
- when one increases the other decreases.
We are very
rapidly becoming a world composed exclusively of the very few, very
rich, and the very many, very poor. The middle remaining cannot
hold. Modern technology and mass media has vastly increased
the ability of the super-rich to sustain this process to historically
unprecedented orders of magnitude. However, some of the effects
of this growing disparity in wealth even have the super-rich
concerned enough to propose novel "solutions" such
as National Security Council Study Memorandum 200 which defines
a program aimed at reducing the populations of 13 nations targeted
for their raw materials needed to maintain the ruling elite's
lifestyle, including Brazil, India, Columbia, Mexico, Ethiopia and
Egypt:
How much
more efficient expenditures for population control might be than
[expenditures for] raising production through direct
investments in additional irrigation and power plants and
factories ... (NSSM 200, April, 1974).
Reducing targeted
populations to a bare subsistence level by withholding investments,
in effect forces less expensive population control on them while
reducing to a minimum the labor costs of producing raw materials.
Interestingly, since the passage of NAFTA, despite the transfer
of hundreds of thousands of U.S. jobs to Mexico, Mexican labor wages
have fallen by nearly 50%.
There has also
been afoot for some time the "debt-for-nature"
scheme proposed at the 4th World Wilderness Conference
held in Denver, Colorado in 1987 of forcing nations to transfer
national parks and undeveloped areas (up to 30% of the world's
wilderness - 12 billion acres) to a World Wilderness Trust or similar
U.N. agencies (and thereby effectively losing sovereignty
over part of their national territory) which would function
as a collection agent for the IMF, the World Bank and private
banks and would operate as follows:
- Creditor
banks transfer 3rd world debt to the World Conservation
Bank (a new bank with a "soft" name) thereby relieving
the debtor nations of their debt to the original banks;
- at full
book value (even though these loans now have market values as
low as 6-25 cents on the dollar and cost the banks nothing
to create due to fractional reserve banking - the legally
required reserve ratio on such loans being typically 0%);
- in return
for such debt relief, the debtor nations would transfer to the
World Wilderness Trust natural resource assets of equivalent value
(World Heritage sites such as the Amazon basin or the gold-laden
hills around Yellowstone will likely be included at some point);
the World Wilderness
Trust will eventually allow development by the World Conservation
Bank in order to pay the private banks full value for the transferred
debts.
Obviously,
this scheme, which is already being implemented in Bolivia, Costa
Rica and Ecuador, simply interposes a new bank to act in the
name of the international community (or the U.N.) as collection
agent for the private banks and their jointly run banks (e.g.
the IMF and the World Bank), thereby obscuring the stark reality
of de facto foreclosure proceedings by private banks against
whole national territories. This transforms a politically
unpalatable worldwide land grab by private banks into a "conservation
transfer" to a body that appears to be a neutral conservation
agency of some kind. One of the remarkable features of such institutions
is their immunity to popular influence and their hostility
to democracy and human need. Widespread economic exploitation
of these transferred territories by the private banks will be authorized
by the new bank owners, absent the many inconveniences of
national sovereignty, regulation and authentic environmental
control.
Similar schemes
propose every imaginable means, referred to as "substitutes
for war", to exploit or eliminate the poor through
coercive forms of demographic control including poverty, famine,
forced abortions and sterilization, euthanasia and eugenics,
the introduction of new diseases, environmental pollution, etc.,
and, of course, war itself. A goal of 300-500 million people worldwide
(less than 10% of the current world population) is a common theme.
Selected, smaller numbers are far easier to manipulate and control,
besides, having reduced those on the bottom to unemployment, total
desperation and utter destitution, they have no more material utility
and being in unresigned and irreligious poverty are too susceptible
to authentic "reactionary" alternatives or disturbance.
Obviously, such "solutions" are morally repugnant and
sound reform alternatives must be presented, which do not
destabilize the entire financial system with the attendant risks
of a generalized crisis.
What Christianity
forbids is to seek solutions ... by the ways of hatred, by the
murdering of defenseless people, by the methods of terrorism ...
- Pope John Paul II
The granting
of loan extensions, rescheduling, rate reductions or partial remission
of debts, though helpful, are at best temporary stop-gap measures
merely delaying the day of reckoning. Of course, a debt jubilee
(total remission of debts) would entirely solve the problem for
the present, but is more than unlikely as few creditors take a broad,
selfless or charitable enough view to support such a solution.
Rather, too
many creditor banks foist policies on their nations, which assume
the shape of a ruthless war on the poorer nations, and on
the poor in their nations, financing projects over-priced through
the fraudulent complicity of corrupted politicians creating
odious debts. For example: during the decade 1980-90 Latin American
countries paid $418 billion in interest on original loans of $80
billion.
By the end
of 1990, 3rd world debt had passed $1.3 trillion — over
$200 for every living person on earth. This debt had increased by
30% in three years. Debtor nations had total arrears of $26 billion
in interest. The Financial Review (October 4, 1990)
pointed out that much of the debt was owed to private banks, and
that:
...the
swelling of arrears has drawn concern from the IMF, where some
officials complain that banks are successfullypressing the
IMF to become their debt-collection agency...
Nations endowed
with power are creating new forms of relationships of inequality
and oppression, perverting the use of modern technology and global
organizations for this purpose, rather than seeking just revision
of loan terms or fundamental reform.
Since most
modern money is created by banks as bank loans with an equivalent
debt, all nations trade from a position of indebtedness. As a result,
nations attempt to export more than they import, deliberately seeking
an imbalance of trade, trying to gain a surplus of foreign
revenues to reduce their indebtedness. This has caused international
trade and foreign relations, to descend from trade for mutual
benefit, to thinly disguised economic warfare.
Ever mounting
debt has pressured agriculture to become dominated by the production,
processing and distribution of every-cheaper food with declining
nutritional content, to the increasingly severe detriment
of peoples' health and contrary to clear consumer preference.
Large businesses with wasteful mass-production techniques and using
large scale transport as a competitive marketing strategy are given
an advantage in the intensely competitive financial conditions
created by debt-finance. This has culminated in the current
ascendancy of huge, bank dominated multinational corporations.
The developed
nations have come to rely on private debt to provide their money.
This typically involves massive and mounting housing debt via mortgages.
Such mortgage debt prevents the majority of people from outright
ownership of a home.
Many potentially
prosperous 3rd world nations have had their development
distorted by the global debt-based financial system. These nations
have been entrapped into endemic debt of a wholly false and illegitimate
nature, obligated to multinational banks such as the IMF and
World Bank whose guiding principles and policies have been
designed to support the export drives of the wealthy, developed
nations, themselves forced by debt to maximize export revenues.
The terrible
poverty this forces on debtor nations limits the development of
their peoples, and their intellectual and cultural development is
narrowed to the limited exigencies of their daily struggle for survival.
Absent
authentic monetary reform, debtor nations unable to pay their debts
will ultimately be left with five (5) options:
1. To increase
exports in order to increase foreign exchange revenues.
Where this is possible, it transforms the citizens into de
facto workers for foreign banks which siphon the national
production out of the country, further impoverishing the people.
Increased commodity production saturates markets and reduces prices,
partially or wholly defeating the purpose. In any case this is rarely
possible, as exports have usually been maximized already.
2.
This necessitates submitting to the IMF-imposed rape of their national
resources and the starvation of their people while surrendering
their national sovereignty by degrees.
This is the
option recently taken by the S.E. Asian nations (South Korea, Indonesia,
Thailand, Philippines). This is, of course, a closed loop back to
debt. Of the $123 billion IMF S.E. Asian bailout, Chase Manhattan
bank is in line to receive $32 billion; J.P. Morgan for $23
billion; Bank of America for $16 billion. This $71 billion will
never reach S.E. Asia, as it is transferred from the U.S. Treasury,
to the IMF, to the Wall Street banks. The IMF bailout saves
their bad loans to these nations.
Courtesy of
the U.S. government, some such foreign debt is being transferred
("monetized") to U.S. taxpayers for payment via increased
taxes and inflation. Interestingly, Congressional leaders were told
by the Clinton Administration that unless they agreed to fund
the IMF bailout of banks which make loans to South Korea, there
was danger of invasion of South Korea by North Korea — war
blackmail.
3. Unilaterally
to repudiate their foreign debts.
This action
incurs the danger of being followed by trade strangulation (necessitating
barter agreements in foreign trade, as was successfully conducted
by the Axis powers and later by Rhodesia), and military invasion
(e.g. witness the fate of these defaulter nations: Haiti,
Somalia, Iraq, the former Yugoslavia [Bosnia et al.] invaded
by U.S. and U.N. armed forces acting as unwitting, de facto
mercenaries):
Tote dat bar!
Lif dat bale!
Try to buck the system, and you land in jail!
It is no easy
task to break free of debt, nor of the international banking system.
National leaders would obviously have to weigh the consequences
of debt repudiation to the specific situation of their nations with
great care and sagacity.
4.
To seek legal repudiation of their foreign debts, based on the doctrine
of "odious debts".
This is an
established international law principle permitting debt repudiation
when a government incurs a debt without the informed consent
of its people, and which is not used in the legitimate interest
of the State.
Ironically,
this doctrine was first used by the U.S. to repudiate Cuba's debts
after the U.S. took Cuba from Spain. The jurist who coined the phrase
"the doctrine of odious debts", held that
debts incurred to subjugate a people or to colonize them should
also be considered odious. This doctrine shifts responsibility to
the lenders, neither to corrupt nor to utilize corrupted politicians
and governments to initiate loans, and allows collection from the
despots who wasted the funds — both desirable changes.
Of course,
an independent, uncorrupted judiciary is a prerequisite to obtaining
legal repudiation with this legal theory, which is extremely
unlikely when corrupted politicians appoint politically subservient
judges to the World Court who would hear such cases. A national
legal repudiation on this ground would be a good start though, and
could be at least legally valid, but might be a practical
nullity, resulting in the same consequences as a unilateral repudiation
without a recognized legal basis (#3., above).
5. To issue
sufficient quantities of the national money specifically to retire
the international debt.
Since most
revenues obtained from foreign loans are shortly spent (often wasted),
partly domestically and partly in foreign countries, the results
are usually inflationary (in both the country of origin —
usually the U.S., and in the recipient country), partially multiplied
by private domestic (and foreign) banks through fractional reserve
banking loans. Therefore, while issuing sufficient new money to
retire foreign debt would work, it would also result in hyperinflation
where the foreign debt is great in relation to the economy, particularly
due to the subsequent multiplier effect of any high-powered
money in a fractional reserve banking system. This ruinous negative
effect has been felt by numerous nations which inflated to retire
foreign debt.
Of course,
the technical solution to avoiding such hyperinflation lies in the
domestic prohibition of fractional reserve banking,
coupled with simultaneous, proportionate foreign exchange regulation,
which would require the banks to absorb the new money as increased
reserves in a transition to full reserve banking.
This response
amounts to legislated domestic monetary reform, which is, therefore,
not an option "absent authentic monetary reform"
(like the first four options above [i.e. 1-4]) but, rather,
is authentic monetary reform.
In short, if
nations find the first four options, above, unacceptable, then they
will be forced to consider authentic monetary reform, which
brings us back to the subject of this article in order to
describe this type of reform.
Having set
forth the rationale for drafting model monetary reform legislation,
where does one begin? A careful study of the fundamentals of our
economic system and of the reforms proposed by scholars is
a logical starting point.
The draft legislation
following was influenced by numerous sources including the writings
and declarations on this subject of: President Abraham Lincoln;
former Congressmen Charles A. Lindberg, Louis T. McFadden, Robert
H. Hemphill, Wright Patman, Francis H. Shoemaker, Jerry Voorhis,
Henry Gonzales and former Senator Elmer Thomas, all courageous
supporters of banking and monetary reform legislation; Thomas A.
Edison; Irving Fisher; Henry C. Simons and the old Chicago
School of Economics; Nobel Laureate Frederick Soddy, M.A.,
F.R.S.; Gertrude M. Coogan; G.K. Chesterton and the Distributist
school; Rev. Denis Fahey, C.S.Sp.; Major C.H. Douglas and the Social
Credit school; W. Cleon Skousen; Popes Leo XIII, Pius XI, John XXIII,
Paul VI, and John Paul II; the Pontifical Commission Justice
and Peace; Nobel Laureate Prof. Milton Friedman; Murray N. Rothbard;
E.F. Schumacker; Peter Cook; Theodore R. Thoren; Richard F. Warner;
Charles and Russell Norburn; George Tolley and a host of others,
as well as the historical experience of reform legislation
in various nations including the U.S. during the Civil War; Britain
during WWI; Sweden in the early 1930's; Portugal from 1931 to 1974
(when it had no national debt); Canada in the mid- 20th
century; the Isle of Guernsey, and many others.
Certain economic
reform principles emerge from the study of their proposals. The
first and most important is made salient from the fact that there
is grave danger to society, worldwide, which must be addressed,
when a handful of men hold the power of life and death over
national economies as is certainly the present case. As Pope Pius
XI pointed out in the Encyclical Quadragesimo Anno (1931):
. . .
the power to create money and to expand or contract the money
supply at will carries with it too great an opportunity of economic
domination [and therefor ultimately of tyranny], to be
left to private control without injury to the community
at large.
Similarly Prof.
Friedman:
The power
to determine the quantity of money...is too important, too pervasive,
to be exercised by a few people, however public-spirited, if there
is any feasible alternative. There is no need for such arbitrary
power ... Any system which gives so much power and so much discretion
to a few men, [so] that mistakes - excusable or not -
can have such far reaching effects, is a bad system. It is a bad
system to believers in freedom just because it gives a few
men such power without any effective check by the body politic
- this is the key political argument against an independent central
bank.
Similarly Rev.
Dennis Fahey, C.S.Sp.:
If a private
group exercise the power to originate the exchange-medium and
then manipulates the volume of it, that group becomes a
power greater than the government itself. It becomes a super-government,
paralyzing the efforts of the lawful government for the common
good.
It is perfectly
idle to talk about a democracy or a republic when the sovereign
power is being exercised de facto by a small group
of international bankers not committed to the long-term development
of the country, who manipulate public opinion and politicians though
their money and media control; the worst of whom seek to arrogate
to themselves the exercise of absolute power. What are nations
without justice but bands of robbers. - St. Augustine
And remember,
where you have a concentration of power in a few hands, all too
frequently men with the mentality of gangsters get control. History
has proven that. All power corrupts; absolute power corrupts absolutely.
— Lord Acton
Congressman
Lindbergh noted this nearly seventy years ago. These Money Changers,
he said,
have become
bold, aggressive, vindictive and merciless and command the people
to support them.
Therefore the
first monetary reform principle to emerge is that control over the
monetary system must be taken back out of the private hands who
have usurped the power of the State by deceit, bribery and intrigue
for their selfish or ideological ends, and be resumed by the State.
From this it flows that money creation by private persons must be
prohibited, thus fractional reserve banking must be prohibited,
and full reserve banking mandated by law.
Resolving this
danger over the long-term demands that the monetary system be so
arranged as to facilitate the production, distribution and exchange
of material goods and services in view of supporting the virtuous
life of all of the members of society. This requires
a stabilized (i.e. not manipulated) price level, while avoiding
the opposite end-of-the-spectrum problem of government favoritism
in lending. This summarizes as follows:
- Sound
monetary reform requires the issuance of all money (legal tender)
by the State, exclusively; in amounts calculated to stabilize
the general price level; without debt obligation to private
persons; with all lending to be performed by private legal
persons, exclusively; while safeguarding the widespread ownership
of private property.
Let us separate
these principles (numeric), with their implicit corollaries
(alphabetic):
Monetary
Reform Principles
| |
Act
Sections |
| 1.)
Require the issuance of all
money (legal tender)
by the State, exclusively; |
7. |
| |
|
| |
14. |
| |
14. |
| |
9. |
d. this
implies withdrawal from
international banks with credit/
reserve-creating authority (such
as the IMF SDRs);
|
15. |
| 2.)
in amounts calculated to
stabilize the general price level; |
6. |
| |
|
a. this
implies avoiding inflation
and deflation, a condition for
steady and healthy economic
growth, as government policy;
|
6,7. |
b. this
implies the abandonment of
a single commodity standard (e.g.
gold) inasmuch as no commodity
is available on the same time as
all goods in general (besides the
problems of hoarding, manipulation
through export, etc.);
|
7. |
| |
7. |
d. this
may imply a war-time ex-
ception to #3, below;
|
8. |
| |
16. |
| 3.)
without debt obligation to
private persons; |
5. |
| |
|
| |
5. |
| |
4. |
| |
7. |
| 4.)
with all lending to be performed
by private legal persons, exclusively; |
|
| |
|
a. this
implies the prohibition of all
government lending (e.g. contrary
to communist and national
socialist legislation);
|
7. |
b. this
implies the prohibition of us-
urious rates of interest, which
defeat or prevent the beneficial
effects of lending and create
obstacles to secure ownership
of property;
|
14. |
c. #1,
supra., implies that #4
would be limited by the amount
of funds the lender had or
obtains to lend;
|
9. |
| 5.)
safeguarding the widespread
possession of private property. |
|
| |
|
a. this
implies both the secure
(which implies permanent)
and modest possession of
private property by all
classes of people;
|
7,
14. |
| |
7. |
c. this
implies that the power to create
money not be delegated to private
persons for their individual benefitby
the State since this results in vast
concentrations of property;
|
7,
14. |
d. this
implies that the right to
private property is subordinated
to the right to common use where
the danger of economic domination
of the community is too great to
leave it in private hands.
|
|
These
principles are consistent with and are required by the increasingly
higher principles of subsidiarity, solidarity, justice (i.e.
legal, distributive and social) and equity.
Subsidiarity
is the principle that states that one should not withdraw from
individuals and commit to the community (nor from a lower community
to a higher order of community) what they can accomplish by their
own enterprise or industry. Negatively put, it states that
it is an injustice, a grave evil, and a disturbance of right order
for a larger, higher organization or jurisdiction, to arrogate to
itself functions (or ownership) which can be performed efficiently
by smaller and lower, local bodies. The notion of rational decentralization
and the Distributist school derives from this principle. Subsidiarity
is, therefore, that principle which dictates to common sense that
each man select his own food, home, job and spouse and not be told
which by some capitol (or capital) bureaucrat. It reflects the nature
of man and of his unique personality which requires that men
be not wholly subject to the will of others, but retain their liberty
and freedom from oppression, economic imperialism, bureaucratic
control and centralization which dries up the wellsprings of initiative
and creativity.
Subsidiarity
is also that principle which prohibits government lending since
this, unlike money creation, can be efficiently performed privately,
at the local level without danger to the common good. Needs are
best understood and satisfied by people who are closest to
them, who are also capable of perceiving deeper causes and needs
due to their more personal contact.
Unlike subsidiarity,
which required some necessary definition here, solidarity, justice
and equity are at least commonly understood, if in a vague sense,
and these are not on the same level as our consideration here, which
is narrowly limited to considering practical monetary reform legislation.
Interestingly,
on January 1, 1998, in his Angelus message, Pope John Paul
II said,
The process
of globalization under way in the world needs to be orientated
in the direction of equity and solidarity...it is indispensable
for everyone to strive for justice...
Following these
basic principles of sound monetary reform, which are available to
common sense enlightened by modest reflection in this area, non-experts
are perfectly capable of judging reform proposals such as that following.
Indeed, by use of a peculiar esoteric jargon and pure gibberish,
central bankers and their economists have intimidated the
public from considering this artificially arcane subject area leaving
the field to their paid "experts".
Would such
reform make monetary policy a plaything for politicians, ending
the independence of the Central Bankers? Yes, and so it should be!
Quoting Prof. Friedman again: This is an argument for,
not against, eliminating the central bank's independence.
The economic order is properly subject to the political, not the
reverse as is the case presently.
Elected officials
with political accountability should run the country, not bankers
busily betraying their nation's autonomy and sovereignty. Further,
capital is a mere instrument, a means of production at the
service of man and his labor, not the reverse. It should be
subject to him, not he to it. This is simply to express the obvious
primacy of man over things.
This draft
Act has gone through numerous technical revisions based on suggestions
from numerous sources, and more are invited. In particular, we are
grateful for suggestions received from Prof. Milton Friedman.
The principles contained herein are equally applicable to
Canadian (or other national) draft monetary reform legislation,
though the particulars would vary considerably.
Points of controversy
in details will doubtless include the following:
1. Whether
to abolish or fundamentally reform the existing Federal Reserve
System;
2. Whether
to require banks to have their reserves in the form of cash, government
securities, or Treasury deposits;
3. Whether
the State, or private persons, ought to purchase the bank liabilities
the banks must liquidate in order to transition to full reserve
banking;
4. Whether
future monetary growth should be partially discretionary (i.e.
but based on a known rule) with some national Monetary
Authority, or non-discretionary and based on a fixed rate
of growth, and if the latter, at what fixed rate (but having any
definite and unambiguous rule is more important than which rule
is settled upon);
5. Whether
bank reserves ought to earn interest or not, and if so, how much;
6. Whether
prior bank profits ought to be disgorged, and if so, whether via
a nationalization and re-privatization of banks or by confiscation
or tax-surcharge.
The endnotes
of the draft Act following, briefly address these points. We regard
the choice of such options regarding these points as non-essential
to sound monetary reform.
Novel reform
proposals, such as: computerized barter systems based on market
pricing; the creation of new forms of private monies; using
bearer certificates tied to inflation-indexed and non-indexed bonds,
or futures widely indexed to result in a relatively constant stable
price; localized or municipal currencies, now in use in fifty-two
U.S. communities (e.g. the "Bread" [ Berkeley
Region Exchange And Development] labor
certificates), which were issued in c. 400 local communities
during the Great Depression; the widespread establishment of
State-owned banks (e.g. the very successful State-ownedBank
of North Dakota); and discounted private organization debit
cards; are not considered here as they seem presently too
speculative, localized or costly to replace national currency
and demand deposits. But that may change before we know it, and
these proposals all merit further discussion and refinement.
Other non-monetary
reforms, such as: increased utilization of credit unions; a new
Homesteading Act, instead of allowing idle farmland and abandoned
urban buildings to remain so; single parent's cooperatives
to assist them and their children to achieve self-sufficiency;
tax incentives for micro-mass transit such as community vans;
micro-lending; tax reduction including abolition of property and
land taxes; and many other worthy ideas have been put forth,
which certainly would help society cope with the problems
created by the present corrupt banking system, but these go beyond
our topic here.
The fundamental,
basic economic reform needed — the abolition and recriminalization
of usury, is closely related to our topic, but beyond its specific
scope. Let it suffice here to state that it is usury, defined as:
the charging of interest on a loan which is not productive,
which is the root cause of the evils of fractional reserve banking
and the debt finance system, which are merely "refinements"
of it, as is compound interest and money manipulation in general.
Usury is not merely the charging of an excessive or unlawful rate
of interest. Unless addressed, usury inevitably leads to these other
evils, which are our focus here, and to the decay of justice and
civilization.
Regarding a
gold standard: there is no unanimity as to what type of gold standard
to consider. However, except for a true gold standard - in which
either gold coin or gold deposit certificates circulate as money
- the others are easily manipulated. But even a true gold standard
can be manipulated in a variety of ways, as history demonstrates,
and has only this appeal: that it would certainly be better than
the current state of affairs in that it is one step more difficult
to manipulate its quantity than a purely fiat currency.
However, even
a true gold standard has numerous problems (including its relative
inelasticity in relation to GNP, GDP or similar yardsticks, resulting
in, at least in the short-term, inflation and/or deflation) and
would not be preferable to true reform as set forth in the
draft Act following, for a number of reasons which we cannot discuss
in detail here.
In any case,
without the simultaneous abolition of fractional reserve banking
(and the retirement of the national debt), adoption of a true gold
standard would simply be changing the form of high-powered money
from Federal Reserve Notes to gold - a largely meaningless change.
Whereas, with the adoption of full reserve banking, including a
fixed rate of monetary growth, any commodity standard (e.g.
gold) becomes problematic and a potential obstacle to authentic
reform. For these reasons, the political support for it is very
slight, and was even in the exigencies of the Great Contraction.
This seems unlikely to change.
Concerning
implementation: the fundamental causes of the world debt crisis
are not economic, but philosophical, theological and moral. We cannot
expect economic justice in a society that murders innocent children
in the womb and idolizes money. So authentic reform cannot
be reduced to a technical or drafting problem, which is, however,
our specific focus here. Nothing serious or deep is accomplished
exclusively by changing techniques, laws or governments.
It is
obvious that no change of system or machinery can avert those
causes of social malaise which consist in the egotism, greed,
or quarrelsomeness of human nature. What it can do is to create
an environment in which those are not the qualities encouraged.
It cannot secure that men live up to their principles. What it
can do is to establish their social order upon principles to which,
if they please, they can live up or not live down. It cannot
control their actions. It can offer them an end on which to fix
their minds and, as their minds are, so in the long run,
and with exceptions, their practical activity will be. —
R.H. Tawney
The well being
of families, the security of the nation, the happiness of humanity
— these can be conceived only in terms of the ordered use by individual
persons of their God-given virtues and the objects to which
these correspond. There is no such thing (save in metaphor)
as a sinful (or "holy") nation or system; there are only
nations and systems composed of individual persons either in revolt
against nature, right reason, justice and good, or who by
reason of their personal virtue are in harmony and union with
nature, right reason, justice and God, radiating their personal
virtue into the national or systemic life.
So the reform
of society and of systems must begin with the reformation of the
individual morals of the individual persons who comprise society.
Hopefully, this will be initiated before our remaining freedoms,
which are indirectly tied to our economic independence (including
our national economic independence and sovereignty) are so far gone
as to be irretrievable and injustice degenerates into irremediable
conflicts.
No leader
in public economy, no power of organization will ever be able
to bring social conditions to a peaceful solution, unless first
there triumphs moral laws based on God and conscience.—Pope
Leo XIII
Institutional
reform follows on individual reform, which experience teaches is
often predicated on trial or crisis. Crises bring to the surface
deeper disorders not otherwise discovered. A better world
cannot be built in the midst of crisis, but it is precisely in
time of crisis that the anvil is hot for shaping the kind of world
peace may provide. Of course, the international bankers know this
too, and plan to create and use crises for their own ends, as mentioned
above.
Nevertheless,
is very unlikely reform will advance in the U.S. until economic
crisis deepens and touches larger numbers of our citizens, either
suddenly, in a major upheaval (i.e. a severe economic depression
or war) or by gradually spreading impoverishment due to continually
increasing inflation/taxation/and interest on debt. The false sense
of economic and social security to which our citizens presently
cling will be increasingly tested and shaken, either way.
As Aristotle
noted in his Politics:
For war compels
men to be just and temperate, whereas the enjoyment of good fortune
and the leisure that comes with peace tend to make them
insolent. Those then who seem to be the best-off and to
be in the possession of every good, have special need of justice
and temperance.
So realistic
opportunity for authentic reform may present itself in the context
of an economic/political crisis in which increasing numbers
of our citizens, hitherto untouched, personally experience
the harsh consequences of the lack of justice and charity in the
present economic system, since the changes needed are ultimately
of the heart and are therefore personal.
Let us glimpse
our future, through the eyes of a Brazilian viewing their present:
The third
world war has already started. It is a silent war. Not, for that
reason, any less sinister. This war is tearing down Brazil, Latin
America and practically all the Third World. Instead of soldiers
dying, there are children. It is a war over the Third World debt,
one which has as its main weapon interest, a weapon more deadly
than the atom bomb, more shattering than a laser beam.
Despite their
country's fabulous national wealth, 40% of the Brazilian population
go hungry whilst seven million children work as slaves or prostitutes.
The relentless
activity and ceaseless agitation against justice and right order
financed by the Money Changers need not unduly discourage us. This
apparent vitality masks the restless spirit injustice generates,
which seeks to salve the conflicted conscience by resolving, consciously
and subconsciously, to justify its actions externally, in a torrent
of words and works. Inner conflict thus leads to outer conflicts,
where increasingly aggressive (even murderous) forms of coercion
are employed against the outer world, and ultimately against themselves
(e.g. neurosis, alcoholism, suicide) to bend the truth
of justice to their denial of it.
In short, injustice
ultimately creates internal conflict in the individuals (and groups)
so acting, as well as in their collective efforts, as they attempt
to repress those portions of their own consciousness and of
their own groups (and others), which condemn their injustice. This
repression requires increasingly greater efforts to maintain
(as each act of repression increases the injustice, necessitating
even more repression), thus diverting their energy to destructive
ends and away from the creativity necessary to maintain their
position and power. In fact, so draining is this effort that most
people are not capable of the deception, the tight-rope walking,
the consistent criminality and repression required to maintain
a great evil conspiracy.
In contrast,
a conscience at peace naturally tends towards an unworried, calm
approach to life, yet this is a sign of strength and integrity,
not weakness. Of course, complacency, the opposite extreme,
is to be avoided. It is therefore necessary to work simultaneously
for the conversion of hearts and for the reform of systems, with
the emphasis much on the former. As Pope John Paul II put
it:
We are
all called, indeed obliged, to face the tremendous challenge ...
because the present danger threatens everyone: a world economic
crisis, a war without frontiers ... every individual is
called upon to play his or her part in this peaceful campaign,
a campaign to be conducted by peaceful means, in order to secure
development in peace.
Our part of
this development in peace may begin with a prudent, clear-eyed objectivity
to determine what actions are appropriate to the real situation
before us. This cannot be achieved except by an attitude of 'silent
contemplation' of reality, during which the egocentric interests
of man are, at least temporarily, silenced. In that silence, the
knowledge of truth may be transformed into decisions corresponding
to reality. However, it is the province of true religion to define
this for those so drawn and to reveal distinctly religious
responses to this crisis.